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Introduction: Cultural Sociology Today
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Modern thinkers seek in vain to find a principle of continuity and coherence that would provide meaning to life and its pursuits in a fragmented culture that has lost its traditional legitimacy. Sewell would like to view culture in terms of a dialectic between system and practice, a move he believes would help counter the attempt to treat culture as a coherent, self-enclosed system.
Such an approach, of course, makes sense within the context of modern and modernizing societies in which coherence is always problematic and a difficult, unstable, even rare achievement. In addition to questioning the assumed continuity between the past and the present, she also deals with the question of the presumed autonomy of culture.
Rose also draws attention to the circular nature of their argument regarding durability or continuity:. Their formulation, while appealing because it seems to suggest that particular cultural forms endure because they are deep, in the end relies on circular reasoning. If a cultural form or practice endures, it is deep. It is deep because it is part of common sense and it is pervasive. It is part of common sense and pervasive because it is structured in a particular way. But if all cultural forms are structured by antinomies, why are some durable and others not?
The most pertinent question these concerns raise is related directly to the study of culture. How is it possible for discourses to produce systematic effects? These considerations lead her to conclude that. Rose To paraphrase Dirks , one should say that cultural analysis is not just a game; it has real stakes and real effects p. The term practice has come to acquire a privileged position in the discourse on culture.
In her contribution to the volume on the practice turn in contemporary theory, Ann Swidler tries to figure out what it is that anchors cultural practices. Rather, cultural practices are action, action organized according to some more or less visible logic, which the analyst need only describe. Swidler In addition to conflating action and behavior, Swidler also admits that even after bracketing the individual actor and his actions and disregarding the content of what he or she says or has to say, the practice theorist still cannot entirely escape the subjectivist demand for interpretation.
However, such an exercise may very well conceal the personal and cultural biases of the researcher who now assumes a superior authorial position with regard to his or her subjects. Does its effective use by one group negatively affect its use by other groups? And would the academic users of this kit be as eager to see their own practices historicized? The study of culture took a global turn in the early s when the term cultural globalization replaced the term cultural imperialism that had gained special currency during the s Elteren — As a result, the new metanarrative of globalism came to replace the earlier imperial and colonial metanarratives Filmer Insofar as the academic discourse of history.
Chakrabarty , quoted in Davies One reason for all this is that historians, by and large, write for other historians and that the dominant historical institutions, associations, and research resources are in the West. Rather than effecting a separation of knowledge and power, this last sentence again places knowledge cultures squarely within an all-encompassing logic of power see Foucault Commenting on E. Modernity and postmodernity have already passed a death sentence on traditional societies and cultures, the wholesale destruction of aboriginal and all other spiritual traditions having been a key element of the process of colonization Kulchyski The major turns during the past several decades have given rise to a diversity of methodological approaches to the study of culture.
With its crisis of representation and rejection of metanarratives, the emphasis on self-reflexivity, and the focus on multiple voices in a polysemic world, postmodern ethnography has itself played a leading role in the fragmentation of the field. In keeping with our emphasis on the developments since the cultural turn of the s, the following discussion is limited to more recent methodological approaches in the field.
Vaillancourt , however, provides a good reference for those interested in exploring the various research strategies employed by the Marxists that have general application. These include the qualitative, subjective strategies used by philosophical Marxists; strategies that draw on the resources of dialectical and historical materialism; the strategies employed by the structuralists, with or without Althusser; and, finally, the research done by the materialists.
A good introduction to the rational choice theory approach is provided by Coleman and Fararo Hall and Neitz identify institutional structures, cultural history, production and distribution of culture, audience effects, and meaning and social action as the major frames around which theoretical and methodological work on culture has been focused. Wuthnow and Witten , on the other hand, identify public moral discourse, science, organizational culture, and ideology as the main substantive areas that will have an important bearing on the future course of cultural analysis.
The cultural turn in particular has aroused a great deal of interest in the study of cultural beliefs and practices. Mohr reviews a wide range of techniques and methods, including semantic differential, survey, content analysis, symbolic interactionism, and participant observation, that have been used by the researchers. He also identifies research studies that explore the role of culture in the prediction of status attainment, the study of organizations and their environment, the study of social movements, and the processes of identity formation.
A central concern in the study of culture has been the measurement of the underlying structures of meaning attached to symbols and various cultural productions. While a large number of studies have been ethnographic or qualitative in nature, quantitatively oriented scholars have also been turning their attention to researching meaning to deal with the increased interest in bridging the divide between culture and social structure.
In an overview of some of the quantitative research being done in this area, Mohr has focused on studies that have used a structural approach to interpret institutional meanings or have relied on advanced statistical techniques such as multidimensional scaling and clustering, network analysis, correspondence analysis, Galois lattices, and hierarchical classification models to facilitate the understanding of complex meaning structures.
Paula Saukko has recently taken a fresh look at both the classical and the new methodological approaches to the study of culture. Saukko The shift in attention from grand theory to more empirical but qualitatively oriented studies in sociology since the s continues to further the trend toward embracing ethnographical fieldwork as the preferred approach for studying culture.
There is also a greater appreciation of the historical or the time dimension and a consequent interest in specifying the diachronic character of cultural change, especially among social historians see Sewell In addition to continuing the traditional emphasis on comparative and cross-cultural research, the twenty-first century is likely to witness a concerted drive to further expand disciplinary boundaries and to draw freely from theories and methods being developed in a wide range of disciplines ranging from the social sciences to humanities and literary studies.
The vast intellectual outpouring of interest in the study of culture, especially since the cultural turn of the s, now directs our attention to where it is headed in the twenty-first century. The cultural studies approach of the Birmingham Centre was one of the first on the scene. Of course, the relationship we have with cultural theory, and with theory more generally, is very different from that of academics working in Comparative Literature, English, or History departments.
We need to painstakingly explain the place of theory in our field, and how issues that are being appropriated by New Historicism, New Cultural History, Cultural Studies, and 'Race Theory' have been conceptualized and studied empirically by sociologists. Jeffrey Alexander, a prominent sociological theorist, employs the term "cultural studies," though not in a way we might recognize, in order to claim, using the same rhetorical device, that this is nothing new to sociology, but dates from the classical sociological tradition, and particularly the work of Emile Durkheim and his followers: "Both as theory and empirical investigation, poststructuralism and semiotic investigations more generally can be seen as elaborating one of the pathways that Durkheim's later sociology opens up.
The book, incidentally, is entitled Symbolic Interactionism and Cultural Studies , though nothing in it really has anything to do with either the Birmingham tradition or cultural studies work being done within the humanities in the United States. In their introduction, the editors say:. We use the term cultural studies to refer to the classically humanistic disciplines which have lately come to use their philosophical, literary, and historical approaches to study the social construction of meaning, and other topics traditionally of interest to symbolic interactionists.
The sociological focus on the social construction of identity and of meaning does sound something like the project of a poststructuralist cultural studies.
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But the interest in social constructionism, as in work in the symbolic interactionist tradition, does not amount to the embrace of the radical re-thinking mandated by poststructuralist and psychoanalytic theory, which exposes the constitutive role of culture and representation in the social world, as well as the discursive nature of social categories themselves. In addition, the "identity" understood in the Meadian tradition of symbolic interactionism is a socially variable, but psychically fixed entity, whose coordinates are the traditional sociological ones of social position and social role.
The Hidden Agenda of 'Cultural Studies. Durkheim is, of course, primarily perceived as the sociologist who stressed "social facts," and those features of social life that are "external" to social actors; in the usual schematic history of classical sociology, he is contrasted in this with Max Weber, the begetter of "interpretative" sociology, with its focus on meaning and its methodology of Verstehen. Alexander claims that Durkheim turned to the study of religion "because he wanted to give cultural processes more theoretical autonomy. He goes on to review the work of certain sociologists, and some anthropologists, who have pursued Durkheim's later theory Edward Shils, Robert Bellah, Victor Turner, Mary Douglas, and he outlines a project for a late-Durkheimian sociology, which he calls "cultural studies.
This is Alexander's formulation of such a sociology:. The other shared emphases follow naturally from this. They concentrate, first, on what might be called motivated expressive behavior as compared with conscious strategic action. This emotionally charged action, moreover, is not seen psychologistically, but instead as the basis for ritualization.
Edited by Jeffrey C. Alexander, Ronald N. Jacobs, and Philip Smith
His own chapter in the book is on Watergate and Durkheimian sociology, and he summarizes it thus:. Using Weber and Parsons, I try to connect Durkheim's later ideas to a broader theory of social structure. Rituals, I suggest, are simultaneously effects and causes of social crises; they open these liminal periods to symbolic and moral issues of the most profound kind. In fact, some of the essays in the book are both interesting and quite sophisticated. This is not quite culture-as-tool kit and in fact, in the Durkheim book, he briefly criticizes Swidler's article but it is not far removed from it in the end.
I have spent some time discussing what has been called 'the cultural turn' in sociology to try to identify the grounds for a possible rapprochement with cultural studies, which, as I argued earlier, needs to work within a sociological perspective. I have pointed out that the sociology of culture the study of the arts has, for the most part, little interest in the critical revision of its categories of analysis.
Cultural sociology, or sociological theory which foregrounds culture, on the other hand, claims both to preempt cultural studies and to improve on it. This applies to both symbolic interactionism and late-Durkheimianism. But in doing so, it retains the fatal weaknesses produced by ignoring a central aspect of cultural studies, namely a theory of representation.
As Steven Seidman has put it, "American sociology, even today, has not made a semiotic turn. It also means and this is a point made by Seidman that they renounce the moral-critical role of cultural studies, maintaining the traditional social-scientific conception of the scholar as objective and value-neutral.
The Strong Program in Cultural Sociology | Center for Cultural Sociology
And, of course, it means that sociologists cannot yet grasp the discursive nature of social relations and institutions. Obviously sociology, even after the "cultural turn," will not do as a model for cultural studies. In the context of this disciplinary intransigence, I base my hope for a growing dialogue between sociology and cultural studies and between sociology and visual studies on two things: first, what seems to me to be an increasing acknowledgement within cultural studies of the importance of ethnography, of the study of social processes and institutions, and of the understanding of those structural features of cultural life that the sociological imagination has the ability to illuminate; and second, the work of some sociologists, small in number and marginalized though they might be, who have extended their view and their conceptual frameworks into new engagements with critical theory.
I am not asking literary critics or art historians to become sociologists, nor, for that matter, sociologists to become cultural studies scholars. We will continue to have discipline-based interests and discipline-based training. But cultural studies, after all, has always been the cross-disciplinary collaboration of interested scholars, and the body of work produced within that field is the product of those intellectual exchanges and influences. Stuart Hall, director of the Birmingham Centre throughout the decade of the s, and still a major figure in the field, has said this, 53 as have the editors of various volumes of essays on cultural studies.
I leave aside the question of whether or not cultural studies can itself be called a discipline. And that relationship is, and has always been, an ad hoc affair. The particular configuration of scholars involved and, hence, disciplines represented in the multiple sites of cultural studies work has never, as far as I know, been a matter of planning, designing, and hiring. Rather, just as was the case in Birmingham in , it is the product of a group of people, with a shared interest in culture though not necessarily a shared idea of what they mean by 'culture' beginning to meet, to discuss each other's work, to mount seminars and conferences and then, with any luck, to achieve the institutionalization of their collaborative practice in centers, programs, and teaching.
Throughout the s, as cultural studies programs were started in the United Kingdom usually in polytechnics rather than universities , what was really striking was the great variety of intellectual combinations that emerged: literary criticism and sociology; psychology, linguistics and communication theory; literature, history and media studies. I know rather less about the s spread of cultural studies in this country, though it seems to me that a good deal of American cultural studies has been a more intra-disciplinary, literary-studies affair.
Here too, though, there have been new initiatives in which cross-disciplinary collaborations have become common. This serendipitous nature of cultural studies, which I see as nothing but a great advantage, means it continues to be an open venture. My hope, then, is that sociologists will increasingly participate in its conversations.
Historians and anthropologists are already part of the collective project including here at Rochester , but to date sociologists have, for the most part, refrained from taking part. In the United States, such conversations would both guarantee the re-sociologizing of cultural studies and ensure the long-overdue theoretical development of sociology.
Whose Culture? In England, O-level exams were taken at age sixteen. The phrase was originally C. Wright Mills's.
https://tunishepenscur.cf Howard Singerman. Paul Jones made this point to me, as an important corrective to what might seem to be a too generalized account of American sociology. Gordon, Listings, The New Yorker , 15 September Elizabeth Long Oxford: Blackwell, , Quotation from p. See, for example, Mike Budd, Robert M. John Storey London: Arnold, , Nelson describes this work as a "recycled" semiotics, which he equates with textualism; however, as Keith Moxey has pointed out, however, semiotics at its best is not merely a "textual" enterprise: "Semiotics and the Social History of Art," New Literary History 22 Autumn : Schudson, Burgin reviews the development of cultural studies in Britain, and addresses in particular the turn to semiotics and psychoanalysis by those in the field.
John E. Although the article was published some time ago, Toews's invited participation at the conference indicated a new openness among some social scientists to a certain rapprochement with critical trends in the humanities. William H. Sewell, Jr. Taken from the Web site for the conference at the time: culture. I should say that I didn't attend the conference, and am guessing the nature of the papers given on the basis of their titles and of the speakers' published works.
Seidman, Long, 1. See for example Richard A. Essays by Walter W. Powell, Richard A. Howard S. I have written at greater length about these characteristics of U.